By Dak Buoth Riek-Gaak,
February 22, 2022 —The biggest blunder done wittingly or unwittingly by the drafters of the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (R-ARCSS) was to gives powers to President Kiir, the First Vice President Dr. Riek Machar and the like to nominate and appoint county commissioners and legislators to states and counties that were not even under their control during the conflict.
Perhaps, this idea was based on the false notion that the principal signatories to the agreement enjoy political support in all parts of the country including regions outside their home tufts. The mere fact that President Kiir and Dr. Riek Machar has a handful of political representatives from other regions or tribes in their parties, which does not really mean they have political backing in the localities where those individuals come from.
Prior to the outbreak of conflict in December 2013, the country was politically and administratively divided at the center. From the start in July 2013, when the President sacked his vice President and the entire cabinet followed by his unilateral dissolution of the ruling SPLM party structures, the political temperatures rose up uncontrollably.
Ultimately, when the state unleashed violence on its citizenry on the pretext that there was a coup by his fellow SPLM leaders, prompting the outbreak of the ongoing armed rebellions, the country was torn apart. Sooner than later, all the elected and legitimate leaders and representatives saliently from the three states of Unity, Jonglie and Upper Nile declared defection.
Alternatively, President Kiir appointed his political friends to replace those elected leaders who rebelled. As the conflict went on to intensify, he forcefully took those stooges to opposition strongholds to serve as MPs and county commissioners whether residents like it or not.
Similarly, Rebel Leader, Dr. Riek Machar equally persuades and accommodates disgruntled politicians, businessmen and academics from other regions into his rebel movement, purposely to give his party a national face.
I believe these subsequent political realignments done by President Kiir and Dr. Machar to cover up their tribal political outfits made the IGAD think the duo have support across all parts of the country when in fact their real political support ends in their home tufts.
Upon the reluctant formation of the Revitalized Transitional Government of National Unity (RTGoNU), when both President Kiir and Dr. Riek Machar sent their political allies or friends as MPs and county commissioners to areas that they were never elected or known before, they became like the proverbial seeds planted on the rock.
They soon found the ground very hostile and strange largely due to the enmity and the political intolerance that was preached during the war. Although many of those imported politicians were native of the regions in which they were sent, they are considered traitors who sided with the enemy during the war. Thus, despite what they attempt to do in good faith and compliance with R-ARCSS, the people on the ground hardly give them ears, for they are regarded as untrusted messengers due to existing lack of trust that is even seen up in Juba between President Kiir and First Vice president Dr. Riek Machar.
Moreover, this Political blunder orchestrated by IGAD by allowing President Kiir and Dr. Riek Machar to nominate local leaders to different regions has given the duo unfair opportunity to sidelined and oppressed their closed political confidantes by appointing political greenhorn and unpopular political friends whom they know will not raise question whenever they are engaging in any misconduct contrary to the wishes of the people in their respective parties.
Now Dr. Riek Machar’s closest and trusted men and women that he appointed to parliament and cabinet are those who joined SPLM-IO either in 2016, 2017 or 2018. He appointed these newcomers into senior and lucrative positions in the name of national representation while he is probably pursuing certain interests.
A case in point was his appointment of the executive Director in his office, who joined SPLM-IO in 2016. How will a new recruit of 2016 know the old and senior SPLM-IO members if Dr. Machar is not intending to bar his people from accessing him?
By this alone, Dr. Machar has betrayed and abandoned his key political and military lieutenants who were defending him and the cause of the SPLM-IO right from the onset of the war in 2013. In fact, these shenanigans are what continue to breed rebellions within SPLM-IO. On the other hand, President Kiir keeps purging his closed political friends on the pretext that he is accommodating new rebels who defected to him.
If IGAD was keen and knowledgeable on our issues as deemed by most South Sudanese and international observers, they could have applied the right precedents and avoided this worse mistake.
In 2005, when Dr. John Garang De Mabior’s SPLM and President Bashir’s NCP signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), the pair were not permitted by CPA to nominate and appoint local leaders to NCP or SPLM controlled areas as witnessed today in South Sudan. Can someone name any SPLM representative who was appointed as governor in the other part of Sudan during the previous transitional period of 2005?
Under the CPA, late Dr. Garang only selected and sent his MPs and cabinet appointees from Southern Sudan which was exclusively under the control of the SPLM/SPLA and the same happened to Bashir.
Also, in 1997, when President Bashir and Dr. Riek Machar signed the Khartoum Peace Agreement (KPA), a political arrangement akin to the CPA was crafted.
Relatively, in 1975-2002, whenever Dr. Jonas Savimbi of the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) entered into peace accord with the ruling party, the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), he could not appoint leaders from and to the Government controlled or liberated territories the same thing to MPLA government.
With these instances at hand, what IGAD could have done was to permit President Kiir and Dr. Riek to nominate and appoint representatives to the national parliament and national cabinet in Juba.
They were not supposed to appoint MPs and county commissioners to states which were initially not under their control during the war.
Security wise, it was not good. Hence, I would say were it not because South Sudanese are kind enough and very forgiving, some appointed and imported county commissioners and MPs could not step foot in states and counties that they are taken.
THE UNPOPULARITY OF LEER AND MAYENDIT COMMISSIONERS IS THE CAUSE OF DEATH IN THEIR COUNTIES
The county of Leer and Mayendit are very close geographically. In the past, the two were one single county called Leer. The reason Mayendit broke away from Leer was not due to any enmity whatsoever, but rather due to other significant considerations.
Both counties are inhabited by two communities called Haak and Dok Nuer. Historically, the two communities are considered one people who lived and grazed their cattle together for over the centuries.
Politically, the two counties are believed to be the stronghold of Dr. Riek Machar by virtue that he hails from Leer County. When the all-out war broke out in 2013, all kinds of weapons and guns in the hands of the government were turned and directed at the residents there.
The government forces entered Leer and Mayendit directly and through other proxies that are in Unity State for hire. When government forces captured the two counties, it made sure both living things and non livings were left lying dead.
You would remember all sort of human rights abuses including murder, rape and castration of boys were done there in broad day light. And even after leaving everything in ashes, the government forces never abandon these counties to give the residents a break and breathe.
In September 2018, I attended the launch of the human rights report titled ‘‘Anything that was breathing was killed, war crimes in Leer and Mayendit, South Sudan.’’ This report by Amnesty International gives horrible accounts of all sorts of human right violations that one would not like to imagine.
To add salt to injury, when peace was signed and a new unity government formed, they were sent commissioners from rival political parties namely SPLM-IG and SSOA which is an appendage of the ruling party, Sudan People Liberation Movement- in Government (SPLM-IG).
The Leer commissioner is called Takeer Riak Dong from the SPLM-IG and Mayendit commissioner is Dr. Gatluak Nyang, an appointee of SSOA. The appointment of these two as commissioners of Leer and Mayendit amount to practical and psychological torture to residents in both counties. The former is deemed worse than the latter. Dr. Gatluak Nyang, a paranoid commissioner, despite him being educated, he harbors dictatorial tendencies. His first offence after his arrival in the Mayendit county was when he arrested, heavily cane and left-half dead influential youth leader, Mr. Gatkuoth Par in a way that demoralizes all the youth in Unity State and southern Unity State in particular. From then, he has got an axe to grind with senior Youth chiefly from Southern Unity State because of this inhumane act. If he does not apologize, youth will monitor his moves with a view to hold him accountable for his action. For many reasons, the duo enjoys very little political backing from residents in both counties due to their personal tract records and the unpopularity of the rival parties that took them there.
Unfortunately, For the first time, during commissioner Takeer and Dr. Gatluak’s era and commissionership, the residents of both counties started fighting each other and the two commissioners are quiet about it.
On 18th February 2022, the residents of both countries fought again and about 19 people died according to the news article by Radio Tamazuj titled ‘‘Unity State: 19 killed, 24 wounded in botched cattle raid.’’ During colonial rule, when the British sent an unpopular military commissioner to a certain area by force, on arrival the commissioner would do two things, one, he would use bribery to entice residents and buy their support and loyalty. And second, if the first approach does not work, they will apply a divide and rule tactic. But since these imported county commissioners do not have sufficient money to bribe or buy political loyalty because they’re starved of cash by the national government, the two have resorted to the divide and rule tactic.
When the first and last skirmishes took place, the two commissioners kept mum and did nothing to avoid any further revenge, ambush and attack. If at all these commissioners did not in any way sponsor these deadly inter communal fights, they could have met, talk and resolved to undertake dialogue and reconciliation between the two neighboring communities before the latest clashes occurred. Someone must take blame for this violence, and in reaction we must stop issuing blanket blames. My debatable presumption is solely based on ‘their inaction and silence’ over these repeated inter communal violence. And as Emperor Haile Selassie once said and I quote ” Throughout history, it has been the inaction of those who could acted; the indifference of those who should have known better, the silence of the voice of justice when it matters most; that has made it impossible for evil to triumph.” Having said that, the Haak and Dok youth cannot be exonerated from this renewed chaos because they’re the ones engaging in these proxy wars. They should stop fighting forthwith.
SUGGESTION TO THE PRESIDENT AND FIRST VICE PRESIDENT
I hereby suggest to President Kiir and the First Vice President, Dr. Machar to exchange some commissioners and MPs if possible. This means, the President should recall the two commissioners of Leer and Mayendit, to allow the First Vice President to nominate and appoint the persons he knows will work with the residents in these counties.
To me, this will at least give the long-suffering residents there an ample time to breathe after undergoing years of brutality and abuse. On the other hand, the president can decide which county he would like to exchange these two commissioners with.
In conclusion, when we rise to opine an opinion pertaining to the lives and the fundamental rights of the people that we owe a duty of care, we talk without fear and equivocation. The only challenge we’re grappling with is that the vocabulary and words in the English language are not rich enough to enable us to express and justify what we intend to articulate meticulously in their defense.
The Writer is the Chairman of Liech community Association in Kenya, the views expressed here are his own, and he can be reached for comments via eligodakb@yahoo.com
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